Posted: February 6th, 2015

SUMMARY OF THE TICKING BOMB ;

SUMMARY OF THE TICKING BOMB ;

write a summary about 300-350 words. Approximately 1-1 1/4 pages doubled spaced. Must be word processed, doubled spaced.

Leave 1-inch margins on the top bottom, left and right of the page.

YOU MUST begin your summay with the a framing statement (e.g. “In her article ‘Xxxx,; Aaa argues that….)
All copied material must appear in quoatation marks with the pages number of the orginal following in parentheses (note you

might not have page numbers but I do, so i’ll add them in just leave a note where)

you summary will probably need to be 2-3 paragraphs long.
SHould be in the present tence.

Okay so this is the article

THE TICKING BOMB

On Sept. 11, in the most successful act of asymmetrical warfare since
the Trojan horse, the world came home to America. “Why do they hate us?”
asked George W. Bush. This was not a rhetorical question. Americans really
wanted to know — and still do, for their innocence had been shattered. The
President suggested that the reason was the very greatness of America, as if
the liberal institutions of government had somehow provoked homicidal rage
in fanatics incapable of embracing freedom. Other, dissenting voices claimed
that, to the contrary, the problem lay in the tendency of the United States
to support, notably in the Middle East, repressive regimes whose values are
antithetical to the ideals of American democracy. Both sides were partly
right, but both overlooked the deeper issue, in part because they persisted
in examining the world through American eyes.

The United States has always looked inward. A nation born in isolation
cannot be expected to be troubled by the election of a President who has
rarely been abroad, or a Congress in which 25 per cent of members do not
hold passports. Wealth too can be blinding. Each year, Americans spend as
much on lawn maintenance as the government of India collects in federal tax
revenue. The 30 million African-Americans collectively control more wealth
than the 30 million Canadians.

A country that effortlessly supports a defence budget larger than the entire
economy of Australia does not easily grasp the reality of a world in which
1.3 billion people get by on less than $1 a day. A new and original culture
that celebrates the individual at the expense of family and community — a
stunning innovation in human affairs, the sociological equivalent of the
splitting of the atom — has difficulty understanding that in most of the
world the community still prevails, for the destiny of the individual
remains inextricably linked to the fate of the collective.

Since 1945, even as the United States came to dominate the geopolitical
scene, the American people resisted engagement with the world,
maintaining an almost willful ignorance of what lay beyond their borders.
Such cultural myopia, never flattering, was rendered obsolete in an instant
on the morning Sept. 11. In the immediate wake of the tragedy, I was often
asked as an anthropologist for explanations.

Condemning the attacks in the strongest possible terms, I nevertheless
encouraged people to consider the forces that gave rise to Osama bin Laden’s
movement. While it would be reassuring to view al-Qaeda as an
isolated phenomenon, I feared that the organization was a manifestation of a
deeper and broader conflict, a clash between those who have and those who
have nothing. Mr. bin Laden himself may be wealthy, but the resentment upon
which al-Qaeda feeds springs most certainly from the condition of the
dispossessed.

I also encouraged my American friends to turn the anthropological lens upon
our own culture, if only to catch a glimpse of how we might appear
to people born in other lands. I shared a colleague’s story from her time
living among the Bedouin in Tunisia in the 1980s, just as television reached
their remote villages. Entranced and shocked by episodes of the soap opera
Dallas,the astonished farm women asked her, “Is everyone in your country as
mean as J.R.?”

For much of the Middle East, in particular, the West is synonymous not only
with questionable values and a flood of commercial products, but
also with failure. Gamel Abdul Nasser’s notion of a Pan-Arabic state
was based on a thoroughly Western and secular model of socialist
development, an economic and political dream that collapsed in
corruption and despotism. The Shah of Iran provoked the Iranian
revolution by thrusting not the Koran but modernity (as he saw it)
down the throats of his people.

The Western model of development has failed in the Middle East and elsewhere
in good measure because it has been based on the false
promise that people who follow its prescriptive dictates will in time
achieve the material prosperity enjoyed by a handful of nations of the
West. Even were this possible, it is not at all clear that it would be
desirable. To raise consumption of energy and materials throughout
the world to Western levels, given current population projections,
would require the resources of four planet Earths by the year 2100.
To do so with the one world we have would imply so severely
compromising the biosphere that the Earth would be unrecognizable.

In reality, development for the vast majority of the peoples of the world
has been a process in which the individual is torn from his past and
propelled into an uncertain future only to secure a place on the bottom rung
of an economic ladder that goes nowhere.

Consider the key indices of development. An increase in life expectancy
suggests a drop in infant mortality, but reveals nothing of the quality
the lives led by those who survive childhood. Globalization is celebrated
with iconic intensity. But what does it really mean? The Washington Post
reports that in Lahore, one Muhammad Saeed earns $88 (U.S.) a month
stitching shirts and jeans for a factory that supplies Gap and Eddie Bauer.
He and five family members share a single bed in one room off a warren of
alleys strewn with human waste and refuse. Yet, earning three times as much
as at his last job, he is the poster child of globalization.

Even as fundamental a skill as literacy does not necessarily realize its
promise. In northern Kenya, for example, tribal youths placed by their
families into parochial schools do acquire a modicum of literacy, but in the
process also learn to have contempt for their ancestral way of life. They
enter school as nomads; they leave as clerks, only to join an economy with a
50-per-cent unemployment rate for high-school
graduates. Unable to find work, incapable of going home, they drift to
the slums of Nairobi to scratch a living from the edges of a cash economy.

Without doubt, images of comfort and wealth, of technological
sophistication, have a magnetic allure. Any job in the city may seem better
than backbreaking labour in sun-scorched fields. Entranced by
the promise of the new, people throughout the world have in many
instances voluntarily turned their backs on the old.

The consequences can be profoundly disappointing. The fate of the vast
majority of those who sever their ties with their traditions will not be to
attain the prosperity of the West, but to join the legions of urban poor,
trapped in squalor, struggling to survive. As cultures wither away,
individuals remain, often shadows of their former selves, caught in time,
unable to return to the past, yet denied any real possibility of securing a
place in the world whose values they seek to emulate and whose wealth they
long to acquire.

Anthropology suggests that when peoples and cultures are squeezed,
extreme ideologies sometimes emerge, inspired by strange and
unexpected beliefs. These revitalization movements may be benign, but
more typically prove deadly both to their adherents and to those they
engage. China’s Boxer Rebellion of 1900 sought not only to end the opium
trade and expel foreign legations. The Boxers arose in response to the
humiliation of an ancient nation, long the centre of the known world,
reduced within a generation to
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